News & Updates
March 8, 2014
I first heard about the International Criminal Court (ICC) in 2000 as a student, when I was introduced to the world of international human rights of women. The subject was new and exciting for me. I was enthusiastic about grasping all that I could about international mandates. As a women’s rights activist from India, I was thrilled about gaining new insights about mechanisms and institutions that could be tapped at the international level for protecting women’s rights. At that point in time, there was also hope and jubilation among women’s groups globally since by then the International Criminal Tribunal of Yugoslavia (ICTY) had declared that sexual crimes and rapes carried out during armed conflict were a weapon of war and had to be prosecuted as such. The International Criminal Tribunal of Rwanda had set similar precedents. Both of these courts have to be credited with bringing sexual crimes committed during conflict into the realm of international jurisprudence.
The Nuremberg and Tokyo trials held after World War II did deal with the rape of women, but there was no punishment meted out to the perpetrators. While there was substantial evidence on record to demonstrate that sexual crimes and violence against women had taken place as a systematic and planned strategy of war, the courts refrained from acting in that direction .
So sexual crimes and violence directed at women during conflict remained untouched or was ignored until the late 1990’s when it began to be mentioned and taken seriously as part of international law . There was hope among women’s rights groups when the United Nations Rome statute was signed in 1998, which would give birth to the International Criminal Court. The statute required ratification by 60 countries before it could become operational. The ICC was born four years later in 2002, a long gestation period indeed!
Today the court stands tall at The Hague, a place that has become symbolic of truth and justice. At present 122 countries are parties to the Rome Statute. The ICC has jurisdiction over four serious crimes to the international community namely genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed after July 1, 2002, as well as crimes of aggression.
So finally after all these years, when I had an opportunity to visit the ICC, I was ecstatic and thrilled! I got to attend a criminal defense proceeding of Jean Pierre Bemba Gombo.
Jean Pierre Bemba Gombo was the leader of the militant group Movement de Liberation du Congo (MLC) which committed atrocities and war crimes from October 26, 2002, to March 15, 2003, in the Central African Republic (CAR). Bemba was arrested as a war criminal and has been held at the ICC detention center in The Hague since July 2008. He has been charged with crimes against humanity – rape and murder, and war crimes of rape, murder and pillaging towns. The pretrial chamber of the court believed that based on the evidence presented there were sufficient grounds to bring him to trial for these charges.
The witness testifying that day was a rebel fighter from the MLC. He was reliving stories of how his platoon went about robbing individuals, raping women and girls, and looting towns and villages causing absolute mayhem. While it was unsettling for me to hear all of this, it was difficult to tell whether he felt any remorse or guilt because his voice modulation was continuously changed to ensure confidentiality as part of the witness protection program. Also, it had been almost 10 years since the events occurred, and perhaps he was clinical and detached about it.
The British Defense counsel patiently probed in his clipped English, inquiring about the modus operandi of the platoon. The witness responded in meticulous French (simultaneously translated into English) about the platoon’s actions between 2002 – 2003. The defense was failing in its attempt to establish any alliance between the head of the national forces of the then ruling government of the CAR and the MLC at the time of the conflict. Needless to say, the process was slow, tedious, and time consuming. Interestingly, we could not see the witness. He was not present in the trial chambers but was instead seated elsewhere with his disguised image being displayed on a TV screen. His voice was also frequently changed so that it would be unrecognizable at a later date.
It was ironic that while the ICC proceedings are supposed to be open and public, there were several times during the trial when the defense counsel asked for a closed session, at which point the shutters were drawn between those of us sitting in the gallery and the trial chamber. At another point, the counsel requested a private session. In this case, the shutters remained open and, while we could see the judges, the speakers were muted and we could not hear the questions or the responses of the witnesses. This one-day hearing left me wondering about the efficacy of all the previous trial cases.
The court is faced with innumerable challenges. To begin with, it is currently prosecuting only 8 cases and these are all from Africa. In an attempt to provide a fair trial, it is bogged down with providing interpreters and translators for remote Africa languages, which most often do not have a written script. All the accused wants to have their trials conducted in their local languages and the ICC has to honor that provision. So, for instance, languages such as Lingala, Zaghawa, etc., have to be adhered to and finding translators who speak these languages along with English or French poses a huge challenge. Interestingly, some of these languages do not have more than 5,000 words making it difficult to translate sentences in English or French, the working languages of the ICC.
The ICC has an annual budget of 115 million euros. Countries that have ratified the Rome statute fund the court in proportion to their per capita income and population. Sadly, the court has handled only 13 cases since its inception in 2002, out of which four cases were thrown out at the pretrial stage as the prosecution did not build a strong case against the accused. Only one case has led to conviction at the trial stage and that, too, has gone into appeal.
Thomas Lubanga Dyilo is a convicted war criminal from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the first person ever to be convicted by the International Criminal Court. Regrettably, the prosecutor’s office did not include charges of sexual crimes despite there being enough evidence on the ground to support that. Lubanga was convicted only for child recruitment. The reason given for dropping these charges was that his trial had already been quite lengthy, putting the ICC was under pressure to finish it at the earliest date. The fact that sexual crimes were the first charges to be dropped in light of the long tedious proceedings, highlights the low level of relevance attached to these crimes even by the international court.
Further criticisms of the court include accusations of ‘race hunting’ by the African Union since all the cases presented before the court to date have been from Africa. It is a valid criticism since there are far more individuals who would fit the bill of a war criminal from other parts of the world but who go unscathed. And what about countries like Syria and Afghanistan, which are in flames, and where crimes against humanity and war crimes are being carried out daily?
The manner in which the ICC can take up cases is itself limiting. Member states to the ICC can refer cases. The UN Secretary Council, through a resolution, can refer the case of a UN member state even if that state has not ratified the Roman Statute . Also, the Prosecutor’s office can take on a case proprio motu i.e. the Prosecutor may decide on his own motion that there is reasonable basis to initiate an investigation into a situation in a State Party on the basis of information received. However, to date there have been no proprio motu investigations initiated. In the light of these constrained powers, it is highly unlikely that the ICC would ever extend its tentacles to capture world powers like the USA or the UK who have been responsible for initiating wars, invasions and gross human rights violations on civilian populations as was evidenced in Afghanistan and Iraq. Hence, the African nations have to bear the brunt of this western hegemony to keep the ICC functional and moving.
The African Union is now proclaiming that since the ICC is only prosecuting criminals from Africa, they would set up their own human rights court on African soil. This thinking has an interesting facet as well. The ICC indicted Ahmad Al Bashir of Sudan during the pretrial stage and issued warrants for his arrest. He has been charged with genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, which also include charges of torture, rape and sexual violence. However despite two warrants being issued against him by the ICC, one in 2009 and the other in 2010, no African nation is willing to arrest him and send him to Hague, hence disallowing the prosecution to move forward . The argument offered is that if he is arrested, then the ongoing peace process in Sudan will break down. While this theory might hold ground and throw up dilemmas of prosecution versus peace building, to me the more realistic argument is that a coterie of African nations protecting each other is the sole reason to push for a Human Rights court in Africa. It is unlikely though that Africa would be able to afford a structure like the ICC. But if it were to happen then it would indeed be a hilarious reflection of the chaotic state of affairs in the world with respect to international law. Incidentally, I had a chance to interact with the President of the ICC, Mr. Sang Hyun Song. I asked him what opportunities were available to the judiciary at the ICC to engage in judicial activism with specific reference to sexual crimes. Not surprisingly, Song evaded my question and politically resorted to highlighting the gender parity at the court. The fact that there are more women judges are more than male judges (the ratio being 11:8) is proudly proclaimed. But how has it helped advance women’s rights by having more women judges at the ICC? Sexual crimes and crimes against women have been ignored. The court’s first conviction of Lubanga did not charge him with the offense of sexual crimes despite weighty evidence. When the prosecution office ignored/ sidetracked these charges, the judiciary (including the women judges) did not rise to the occasion. What then is the guarantee that future cases will try to include sexual crimes?
Has the ICC become extinct even before it could start performing? Or is it such an expensive experiment that it should be shelved before it consumes more funds? Considering that the existence, jurisdiction, sustainability and efficacy of the ICC today are itself a burning question, the women’s movement that had so ecstatically welcomed the birth of ICC are now left stoic and demotivated. While interacting with women’s groups here in The Hague, I was told that the negotiating room for NGOs and civil society at the international level has been reduced and there has been a drop in the energy levels of the once enthusiastic and vibrant women NGO coalitions.
India is not a member of the ICC. In fact it opposed its formation vehemently . Nevertheless, even if India had ratified the Rome statute, it is highly unlikely that mass murderers from India would have ever made it to the ICC as war criminals, courtesy the economic clout that India wields internationally. So at least the Indian exchequer has saved a few million rupees every year.
As for me, while I fulfilled my aspiration, which I had harbored for 13 years, to visit the International Criminal Court and attend a hearing there, the experience left me feeling despondent about the accountability and relevance of international mechanisms in furthering and protecting women’s rights. But as the old adage goes, never say never, so hopefully the judgment day will come.
 Evidence shows that in one instance Japanese troops had raped close to 20,000 Chinese women during the first week of their occupation of China, and there were innumerable cases of ‘comfort women’ during the second Sino-Japanese War and World War II; entire conflict from 1931-1945 is also referred to as the Asia Pacific War.
 The thinking had started in 1945 but was solidified in February 2001 with the verdict of the Foca Rape Case at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY).
 The case of Darfur in Sudan was referred to the ICC by the Security Council.
 The ICC has now left the matter to be dealt by the UN Security Council.
 India had concerns about the definition of ‘war crimes’ and ‘Crimes against Humanity’ in the Rome Statute. It was mainly concerned about the inclusion of non-international conflicts like Kashmir and other internal disputes in the category of war crimes. It also expressed strong reservations to the use of nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction not being explicitly outlawed and to the right given to the Security Council to refer cases, delay investigations and bind non-State Parties, and to the power of the prosecutor to initiate prosecutions.
November 5, 2013
Johan Galtung is a Norwegian professor and author, widely regarded as the “Father of Academic Peace Research.” He is a mathematician, sociologist, political scientist and the founder of the discipline of peace studies. His pioneering and continuing efforts have inspired the creation of Peace and Conflict Resolution academic programs in universities throughout the world.
Galtung was born in Oslo in 1930. He experienced World War II in German-occupied Norway, and as a 12 year old saw his father arrested by the Nazis. By 1951 he was already a committed peace mediator, and elected to do 18 months of social service in place of his obligatory military service. After 12 months, Galtung insisted that the remainder of his social service be spent in activities relevant to peace, to which the Norwegian authorities responded by sending him to prison, where he served six months.
During his 40 year career, Johan Galtung has been a visiting professor at 30 schools on 5 different continents. He has written more than 100 books and over 1,000 articles about peace and conflict resolution, ecology, health, global governance, sustainable development and economic reform. In 1959 he stated the International Peace Research Institute in Oslo and directed it for 10 years. In 1964, he launched the Journal for Peace Research at the University of Oslo. In 1993 he co-founded TRANSCEND – A Peace and Development Network for Conflict Transformation by Peaceful Means which has members in more than 50 countries.
Galtung first conceptualized “peacebuilding” by calling for systems that would create sustainable peace. He envisioned peacebuilding structures that would address the root causes of conflict and support local capacity for peace management and conflict resolution.
He is one of the authors of an influential account of news values which are the factors which determine what coverage is given to what stories in the news. Galtung originated the concept of Peace Journalism, which is increasingly influential in communications and media studies.
Galtung is also strongly associated with the following concepts:
- Structural violence – Widely defined as the systematic ways in which a regime prevents individuals from achieving their full potential. Institutionalized racism and sexism are examples of this.
- Negative vs. Positive Peace – The concept that peace may be more than just the absence of overt violent conflict (negative peace), and will likely include a range of relationships up to a state where nations (or any groupings in conflict) might have collaborative and supportive relationships (positive peace).
Galtung’s opinions and predictions have sometimes made him a controversial figure, but his lifelong contributions to the field of peace studies and conflict resolution have earned him a lasting place among the key figures in the global peace movement.
September 11, 2013
The world is still working through the consequences of the terrorist attacks that changed America.
Osama Bin Laden and many of his top lieutenants have been killed or captured. But the Al Queida and other terrorist organizations continues to be a threat.
We’ll have to deal with the networks. One of the ways to do that is to drain the swamp they live in. And that means dealing not only with the terrorists, but those who harbor terrorists. This will take a long, sustained effort. It will require the support of the American people as well as our friends and allies around the world.
-Donald Rumsfeld, Press Briefing, September 18, 2001
“Draining the swamp” has been arduous and costly. Thousands of American soldiers, and many more thousands of civilians, have been killed or wounded fighting wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. As countries across North Africa and the Middle East attempt to free themselves from decades of tyranny, the U.S. is weighing the role it should play in these conflicts. The U.S. conducted airstrikes in Libya, has performed a diplomatic balancing act in Egypt, and is considering military intervention in Syria.
When I look out the window, I exhale a prayer of thanks for the color green, for my children’s safety, for the simple acts of faith like planting a garden that helped see us through another spring, another summer. And I inhale some kind of promise to protect my kids’ hopes and good intentions we began with in this country. Freedom of speech, the protection of diversity — these are the most important ingredients of American civil life and my own survival. If I ever took them for granted, I don’t know.
-Barbara Kingsolver, novelist
Americans have had to grapple with the balance fear and the need to feel safe with the desire to preserve the freedoms on which the country was founded. This has been reflected in the legislative struggles over the Patriot Act and the national dismay over revelations of systematic spying on citizens by the NSA.
You can be sure that the American spirit will prevail over this tragedy.
The new tower rising over the National September 11 Memorial in New York City perhaps best symbolizes the way Americans have responded to the 9/11 tragedy and its aftermath. Our spirit has prevailed and we have realized the best within us in our time of crisis.
We may have reached the end of innocence, but arrived at the beginning of wisdom.
July 15, 2013
As a Teen Advisor for Girl Up, I was honored to attend Malala Day 2013 at the United Nations to hear Malala Yousafzai give her first public speech since being shot by the Taliban in October 2012 for daring to attend school. Joining Malala to help celebrate her 16th birthday were hundreds of youth from around the world. Dozens of organizations sent representatives to the daylong conference and celebration, including Girl Up, a United Nations Foundation campaign for girls’ and women’s rights. While I was blown away by Malala’s speech, there were plenty of other aspects of the day that were inspiring in their own right. In the middle of the opening ceremony, the youth delegates took a break to sing “Happy Birthday” to Malala!
Malala speaking at the United Nations – NBC News
The UN Special Envoy for Youth, Ahmad Alhendawi, presented the Youth Courage Awards for Education to seven courageous young people who stood up for their right to an education. Only one of the seven, 21 year old Ashwini Angadi from India, was able to attend to accept the award, and it was really inspiring to hear her acceptance speech. Ashwini overcame a visual impairment to take a job at an IT firm which she later left to become a full time advocate for young people.
Eleven of over 500 delegates gave two minute speeches sharing their stories and what inspired them to work for universal education. One delegate (Munira Khalif, another Girl Up Teen Advisor) read a spoken word piece; another shared an essay about the role dance played in her life journey. The diversity of the speeches matched the diversity of the delegates from dozens of countries.
After the opening ceremony, the delegates attended breakout sessions about topics as varied as global citizenship and access to education. At a Fair where a variety of education and empowerment organizations talked about their work, one of the most interesting booths was hosted by Sesame Workshop, the nonprofit organization behind Sesame Street, the wildly popular, long-running PBS children’s TV show. They explained how the versions of the show that air abroad differ from the one shown in the U.S. by reflecting certain realities of life in different regions of the world. Two great examples are that in malaria-prone areas of the world, Sesame Street puppets, like the kids watching the show, sleep under bed nets; in areas where HIV is prevalent, an HIV-positive character joins the puppet cast.
At the closing ceremony, Gordon Brown, former UK prime minister, gave an incredible speech about the significance of efforts by young people in gaining access to education for all. He reminded us of how vitally important our work is, and how we in the international community cannot fail children by denying them a chance to learn. It was a great reminder of our mission, and that we still have much work to do before achieving our goals.
The courageous Malala, in whose honor we gathered, is the epitome of grace and strength. We all will benefit from the lessons she teaches us in years to come on this symbolic day. I will forever cherish my memories of Malala Day 2013 and hope that others, especially young people, get the chance to hear her speak in the future.
June 16, 2013
The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) estimates that of a total 140 million child marriages expected to take place between 2011 and 2020, 50 million will involve girls under the age of 15. The UN, and most organization which track child marriages, define a child bride as a girl younger than 18 years of age. Boys are included in the statistics for child marriage, but comprise a small minority of children entering into marriage before age 18.
There are many negative effects of this practice. The facts below, compiled by the International Center for Research on Women (ICRW), highlight the tragic consequences for girls in a child marriage.
- Child brides often show signs symptomatic of sexual abuse and post-traumatic stress such as feelings of hopelessness, helplessness and severe depression.
- Girls younger than 15 are five times more likely to die in childbirth than women in their 20s. Pregnancy is the leading cause of death worldwide for women ages 15 to 19.
- Child brides face a higher risk of contracting HIV because they often marry an older man with more sexual experience. Girls ages 15 – 19 are 2 to 6 times more likely to contract HIV than boys of the same age in sub-Saharan Africa.
- Girls with higher levels of schooling are less likely to marry as children.
- Girls living in poor households are almost twice as likely to marry before 18 than girls in higher income households.
While the practice of child marriage has decreased worldwide over the last 30 years, it remains common in rural areas and among the poorest of the poor. The regions where the practice is most prevalent include:
- Southern Asia, 48%—nearly 10 million—of girls are married before the age of 18
- Africa, 42% of girls are married before turning 18
- Latin America and the Caribbean, 29% of girls are married by age 18
An end to child marriage won’t come quickly or easily in these regions. It is tightly woven into the cultural and religious life of the communities there. As Cynthia Gorney reported in her story on child brides for National Geographic:
“The very idea that young women have a right to select their own partners—that choosing whom to marry and where to live ought to be personal decisions, based on love and individual will—is still regarded in some parts of the world as misguided foolishness. Throughout much of India, for example, a majority of marriages are still arranged by parents. Strong marriage is regarded as the union of two families, not two individuals. This calls for careful negotiation by multiple elders, it is believed, not by young people following transient impulses of the heart.
So in communities of pressing poverty, where nonvirgins are considered ruined for marriage and generations of ancestors have proceeded in exactly this fashion—where grandmothers and great-aunts are urging the marriages forward, in fact, insisting, I did it this way and so shall she—it’s possible to see how the most dedicated anti-child-marriage campaigner might hesitate, trying to fathom where to begin.”
Child marriage not only has adverse consequences for the girls affected, but also hurts the those societies in which it is common. As Anju Malhotra, Vice President of Socioeconomic Development for the ICRW points out:
“Child marriage not only violates the human rights of girls, but its negative consequences ripple across entire societies. The practice contributes to extreme and persistent poverty; high illiteracy; high incidence of infectious diseases, including HIV; elevated child mortality rates; high birth rates; low life expectancy for women; and hunger and malnutrition. The consequences of child marriage undermine nearly all the U.N. Millennium Development Goals, a set of eight targets that respond to the world’s main development challenges.”
The practice of child marriage represents a global problem, and it is only with a global effort that it will eventually be eliminated. Until we ensure that every girl has the right to an education, to grow up in safety, and make her own choices about whether and whom she will marry, we will never be free of the scourges of poverty, ignorance and violence.