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April 27, 2017

Jimmy Carter: Losing my religion for equality

Women and girls have been discriminated against for too long in a twisted interpretation of the word of God.

I HAVE been a practicing Christian all my life and a deacon and Bible teacher for many years. My faith is a source of strength and comfort to me, as religious beliefs are to hundreds of millions of people around the world. So my decision to sever my ties with the Southern Baptist Convention, after six decades, was painful and difficult. It was, however, an unavoidable decision when the convention’s leaders, quoting a few carefully selected Bible verses and claiming that Eve was created second to Adam and was responsible for original sin, ordained that women must be “subservient” to their husbands and prohibited from serving as deacons, pastors or chaplains in the military service.

This view that women are somehow inferior to men is not restricted to one religion or belief. Women are prevented from playing a full and equal role in many faiths. Nor, tragically, does its influence stop at the walls of the church, mosque, synagogue or temple. This discrimination, unjustifiably attributed to a Higher Authority, has provided a reason or excuse for the deprivation of women’s equal rights across the world for centuries.

At its most repugnant, the belief that women must be subjugated to the wishes of men excuses slavery, violence, forced prostitution, genital mutilation and national laws that omit rape as a crime. But it also costs many millions of girls and women control over their own bodies and lives, and continues to deny them fair access to education, health, employment and influence within their own communities.

The impact of these religious beliefs touches every aspect of our lives. They help explain why in many countries boys are educated before girls; why girls are told when and whom they must marry; and why many face enormous and unacceptable risks in pregnancy and childbirth because their basic health needs are not met.

In some Islamic nations, women are restricted in their movements, punished for permitting the exposure of an arm or ankle, deprived of education, prohibited from driving a car or competing with men for a job. If a woman is raped, she is often most severely punished as the guilty party in the crime.

The same discriminatory thinking lies behind the continuing gender gap in pay and why there are still so few women in office in the West. The root of this prejudice lies deep in our histories, but its impact is felt every day. It is not women and girls alone who suffer. It damages all of us. The evidence shows that investing in women and girls delivers major benefits for society. An educated woman has healthier children. She is more likely to send them to school. She earns more and invests what she earns in her family.

It is simply self-defeating for any community to discriminate against half its population. We need to challenge these self-serving and outdated attitudes and practices – as we are seeing in Iran where women are at the forefront of the battle for democracy and freedom.

I understand, however, why many political leaders can be reluctant about stepping into this minefield. Religion, and tradition, are powerful and sensitive areas to challenge. But my fellow Elders and I, who come from many faiths and backgrounds, no longer need to worry about winning votes or avoiding controversy – and we are deeply committed to challenging injustice wherever we see it.

The Elders are an independent group of eminent global leaders, brought together by former South African president Nelson Mandela, who offer their influence and experience to support peace building, help address major causes of human suffering and promote the shared interests of humanity. We have decided to draw particular attention to the responsibility of religious and traditional leaders in ensuring equality and human rights and have recently published a statement that declares: “The justification of discrimination against women and girls on grounds of religion or tradition, as if it were prescribed by a Higher Authority, is unacceptable.”

We are calling on all leaders to challenge and change the harmful teachings and practices, no matter how ingrained, which justify discrimination against women. We ask, in particular, that leaders of all religions have the courage to acknowledge and emphasize the positive messages of dignity and equality that all the world’s major faiths share.

The carefully selected verses found in the Holy Scriptures to justify the superiority of men owe more to time and place – and the determination of male leaders to hold onto their influence – than eternal truths. Similar biblical excerpts could be found to support the approval of slavery and the timid acquiescence to oppressive rulers.

I am also familiar with vivid descriptions in the same Scriptures in which women are revered as pre-eminent leaders. During the years of the early Christian church women served as deacons, priests, bishops, apostles, teachers and prophets. It wasn’t until the fourth century that dominant Christian leaders, all men, twisted and distorted Holy Scriptures to perpetuate their ascendant positions within the religious hierarchy.

The truth is that male religious leaders have had – and still have – an option to interpret holy teachings either to exalt or subjugate women. They have, for their own selfish ends, overwhelmingly chosen the latter. Their continuing choice provides the foundation or justification for much of the pervasive persecution and abuse of women throughout the world. This is in clear violation not just of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights but also the teachings of Jesus Christ, the Apostle Paul, Moses and the prophets, Muhammad, and founders of other great religions – all of whom have called for proper and equitable treatment of all the children of God. It is time we had the courage to challenge these views.

Jimmy Carter was president of the United States from 1977 to 1981. This editorial originally appeared in The Age on April 27, 2017

June 4, 2015

Supermodel Alex Wek and Archbishop Tutu Play the Circle of Change Game

The Circle of Change Game was developed by the H&M Conscious Foundation. Alex Wek, Sudanese supermodel and ambassador for the H&M Conscious Foundation, joins Archbishop Desmond Tutu at the office of the Desmond and Leah Tutu Legacy Foundation in Cape Town to play Circle of Change – see who knows more about Education, Clean Water, and Strengthening Women!

Part 1/3

Part 2/3

Part 3/3

Source: H&M Conscious Foundation

March 8, 2014

The International Criminal Court – Mammoth or White Elephant?

I first heard about the International Criminal Court (ICC) in 2000 as a student, when I was introduced to the world of international human rights of women. The subject was new and exciting for me. I was enthusiastic about grasping all that I could about international mandates. As a women’s rights activist from India, I was thrilled about gaining new insights about mechanisms and institutions that could be tapped at the international level for protecting women’s rights. At that point in time, there was also hope and jubilation among women’s groups globally since by then the International Criminal Tribunal of Yugoslavia (ICTY) had declared that sexual crimes and rapes carried out during armed conflict were a weapon of war and had to be prosecuted as such. The International Criminal Tribunal of Rwanda had set similar precedents. Both of these courts have to be credited with bringing sexual crimes committed during conflict into the realm of international jurisprudence.

The Nuremberg and Tokyo trials held after World War II did deal with the rape of women, but there was no punishment meted out to the perpetrators. While there was substantial evidence on record to demonstrate that sexual crimes and violence against women had taken place as a systematic and planned strategy of war, the courts refrained from acting in that direction [1].

So sexual crimes and violence directed at women during conflict remained untouched or was ignored until the late 1990’s when it began to be mentioned and taken seriously as part of international law [2]. There was hope among women’s rights groups when the United Nations Rome statute was signed in 1998, which would give birth to the International Criminal Court. The statute required ratification by 60 countries before it could become operational. The ICC was born four years later in 2002, a long gestation period indeed!

Today the court stands tall at The Hague, a place that has become symbolic of truth and justice. At present 122 countries are parties to the Rome Statute. The ICC has jurisdiction over four serious crimes to the international community namely genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed after July 1, 2002, as well as crimes of aggression.

So finally after all these years, when I had an opportunity to visit the ICC, I was ecstatic and thrilled! I got to attend a criminal defense proceeding of Jean Pierre Bemba Gombo.

Jean Pierre Bemba Gombo was the leader of the militant group Movement de Liberation du Congo (MLC) which committed atrocities and war crimes from October 26, 2002, to March 15, 2003, in the Central African Republic (CAR). Bemba was arrested as a war criminal and  has been held at the ICC detention center in The Hague since July 2008. He has been charged with crimes against humanity – rape and murder, and war crimes of rape, murder and pillaging towns. The pretrial chamber of the court believed that based on the evidence  presented there were sufficient grounds to bring him to trial for these charges.

The witness testifying that day was a rebel fighter from the MLC. He was reliving stories of how his platoon went about robbing individuals, raping women and girls, and looting towns and villages causing absolute mayhem. While it was unsettling for me to hear all of this, it was difficult to tell whether he felt any remorse or guilt because his voice modulation was continuously changed to ensure confidentiality as part of the witness protection program. Also, it had been almost 10 years since the events occurred, and perhaps he was clinical and detached about it.

The British Defense counsel patiently probed in his clipped English, inquiring about the modus operandi of the platoon. The witness responded in meticulous French (simultaneously translated into English) about the platoon’s actions between 2002 – 2003. The defense was failing in its attempt to establish any alliance between the head of the national forces of the then ruling government of the CAR and the MLC at the time of the conflict. Needless to say, the process was slow, tedious, and time consuming. Interestingly, we could not see the witness.  He was not present in the trial chambers but was instead seated elsewhere with his disguised image being displayed on a TV screen. His voice was also frequently changed so that it would be unrecognizable at a later date.

It was ironic that while the ICC proceedings are supposed to be open and public, there were several times during the trial when the defense counsel asked for a closed session, at which point the shutters were drawn between those of us sitting in the gallery and the trial chamber. At another point, the counsel requested a private session.  In this case, the shutters remained open and, while we could see the judges, the speakers were muted and we could not hear the questions or the responses of the witnesses. This one-day hearing left me wondering about the efficacy of all the previous trial cases.

The court is faced with innumerable challenges. To begin with, it is currently prosecuting only 8 cases and these are all from Africa. In an attempt to provide a fair trial, it is bogged down with providing interpreters and translators for remote Africa languages, which most often do not have a written script. All the accused wants to have their trials conducted in their local languages and the ICC has to honor that provision. So, for instance, languages such as Lingala, Zaghawa, etc., have to be adhered to and finding translators who speak these languages along with English or French poses a huge challenge. Interestingly, some of these languages do not have more than 5,000 words making it difficult to translate sentences in English or French, the working languages of the ICC.

The ICC has an annual budget of 115 million euros. Countries that have ratified the Rome statute fund the court in proportion to their per capita income and population. Sadly, the court has handled only 13 cases since its inception in 2002, out of which four cases were thrown out at the pretrial stage as the prosecution did not build a strong case against the accused.  Only one case has led to conviction at the trial stage and that, too, has gone into appeal.

Thomas Lubanga Dyilo is a convicted war criminal from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the first person ever to be convicted by the International Criminal Court. Regrettably, the prosecutor’s office did not include charges of sexual crimes despite there being enough evidence on the ground to support that. Lubanga was convicted only for child recruitment. The reason given for dropping these charges was that his trial had already been quite lengthy, putting the ICC was under pressure to finish it at the earliest date. The fact that sexual crimes were the first charges to be dropped in light of the long tedious proceedings, highlights the low level of relevance attached to these crimes even by the international court.

Further criticisms of the court include accusations of ‘race hunting’ by the African Union since all the cases presented before the court to date have been from Africa. It is a valid criticism since there are far more individuals who would fit the bill of a war criminal from other parts of the world but who go unscathed. And what about countries like Syria and Afghanistan, which are in flames, and where crimes against humanity and war crimes are being carried out daily?

The manner in which the ICC can take up cases is itself limiting. Member states to the ICC can refer cases.  The UN Secretary Council, through a resolution, can refer the case of a UN member state even if that state has not ratified the Roman Statute [3].  Also, the Prosecutor’s office can take on a case proprio motu i.e. the Prosecutor may decide on his own motion that there is reasonable basis to initiate an investigation into a situation in a State Party on the basis of information received. However, to date there have been no proprio motu investigations initiated. In the light of these constrained powers, it is highly unlikely that the ICC would ever extend its tentacles to capture world powers like the USA or the UK who have been responsible for initiating wars, invasions and gross human rights violations on civilian populations as was evidenced in Afghanistan and Iraq. Hence, the African nations have to bear the brunt of this western hegemony to keep the ICC functional and moving.

The African Union is now proclaiming that since the ICC is only prosecuting criminals from Africa, they would set up their own human rights court on African soil. This thinking has an interesting facet as well. The ICC indicted Ahmad Al Bashir of Sudan during the pretrial stage and issued warrants for his arrest. He has been charged with genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, which also include charges of torture, rape and sexual violence. However despite two warrants being issued against him by the ICC, one in 2009 and the other in 2010, no African nation is willing to arrest him and send him to Hague, hence disallowing the prosecution to move forward [4]. The argument offered is that if he is arrested, then the ongoing peace process in Sudan will break down. While this theory might hold ground and throw up dilemmas of prosecution versus peace building, to me the more realistic argument is that a coterie of African nations protecting each other is the sole reason to push for a Human Rights court in Africa. It is unlikely though that Africa would be able to afford a structure like the ICC.  But if it were to happen then it would indeed be a hilarious reflection of the chaotic state of affairs in the world with respect to international law. Incidentally, I had a chance to interact with the President of the ICC, Mr. Sang Hyun Song. I asked him what opportunities were available to the judiciary at the ICC to engage in judicial activism with specific reference to sexual crimes. Not surprisingly, Song evaded my question and politically resorted to highlighting the gender parity at the court. The fact that there are more women judges are more than male judges (the ratio being 11:8) is proudly proclaimed. But how has it helped advance women’s rights by having more women judges at the ICC? Sexual crimes and crimes against women have been ignored. The court’s first conviction of Lubanga did not charge him with the offense of sexual crimes despite weighty evidence. When the prosecution office ignored/ sidetracked these charges, the judiciary (including the women judges) did not rise to the occasion. What then is the guarantee that future cases will try to include sexual crimes?

Has the ICC become extinct even before it could start performing?  Or is it such an expensive experiment that it should be shelved before it consumes more funds? Considering that the existence, jurisdiction, sustainability and efficacy of the ICC today are itself a burning question, the women’s movement that had so ecstatically welcomed the birth of ICC are now left stoic and demotivated. While interacting with women’s groups here in The Hague, I was told that the negotiating room for NGOs and civil society at the international level has been reduced and there has been a drop in the energy levels of the once enthusiastic and vibrant women NGO coalitions.

India is not a member of the ICC. In fact it opposed its formation vehemently [5]. Nevertheless, even if India had ratified the Rome statute, it is highly unlikely that mass murderers from India would have ever made it to the ICC as war criminals, courtesy the economic clout that India wields internationally. So at least the Indian exchequer has  saved a few million rupees every year.

As for me, while I fulfilled my aspiration, which I had harbored for 13 years, to visit the International Criminal Court and attend a hearing there, the experience left me feeling despondent about the accountability and relevance of international mechanisms in furthering and protecting women’s rights. But as the old adage goes, never say never, so hopefully the judgment day will come.


[1] Evidence shows that in one instance Japanese troops had raped close to 20,000 Chinese women during the first week of their occupation of China, and there were innumerable cases of ‘comfort women’ during the second Sino-Japanese War and World War II; entire conflict from 1931-1945 is also referred to as the Asia Pacific War.

[2] The thinking had started in 1945 but was solidified in February 2001 with the verdict of the Foca Rape Case at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY).

[3] The case of Darfur in Sudan was referred to the ICC by the Security Council.

[4] The ICC has now left the matter to be dealt by the UN Security Council.

[5] India had concerns about the definition of ‘war crimes’ and ‘Crimes against Humanity’ in the Rome Statute. It was mainly concerned about the inclusion of non-international conflicts like Kashmir and other internal disputes in the category of war crimes. It also expressed strong reservations to the use of nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction not being explicitly outlawed and to the right given to the Security Council to refer cases, delay investigations and bind non-State Parties, and to the power of the prosecutor to initiate prosecutions.

November 7, 2013

Saudi Women Take Their Place in the Driver’s Seat

Saudi-woman-drivingIn Saudi Arabia, a woman’s freedom of movement is very limited. Women are not supposed to leave their houses or their local neighborhood without the permission of their male guardian, and the company of a mahram (close male relative). However, out of necessity most women leave the house alone and often have contact with unrelated men to shop or conduct business.

Women are not allowed to drive in Saudi Arabia, although it is often tolerated in rural areas. Saudi Arabia has no written ban on women driving, but Saudi law requires citizens to use a locally issued license while in the country. Such licenses are not issued to women, thus making it effectively illegal for women to drive. Women have been detained or fired from their jobs for driving in the past. Furthermore, most Saudi scholars and religious authorities have strongly opposed letting women drive. Commonly given reasons for the prohibition include:

  1. Driving a car involves uncovering the face.
  2. Driving a car may encourage women to go out of the house more often.
  3. Driving a car may lead to women having interaction with non-mahram males, for example in a traffic accident.
  4. Women driving cars may lead to overcrowding the streets and many young men may be deprived of the opportunity to drive.
  5. Driving would be the first step in an erosion of traditional values, such as gender segregation.

But recently, a few dozen women defied this restrictive social code by getting into their cars and driving. Many posted videos of themselves doing so to spread the word.  In an effort to at least respect traffic laws, the driving campaign restricted itself to women with licenses obtained abroad.

Their movement’s goal is modest and they have gone out of their way to avoid anything that looks like a protest.  The women remain deeply loyal to the 89-year-old King Abdullah, and studiously avoid confrontations with the authorities.

“We don’t want to break any laws,” said Madiha al-Ajroush, 60, a psychologist who has been campaigning for the right to drive since 1990. “This is not a revolution, and it will not be turned into a revolution. We are looking for a normal way of life.  For me to get into my car and do something as small as get myself a cappuccino or something as grand as taking my child to the emergency room.”

Despite strong opposition to letting women drive, time may be on the side of the activists. They believe that the large number of Saudis who study and travel abroad and return with new perspectives on their culture, combined with the kingdom’s youthful population and the tremendous rise of social media will over time make the country more open to change.